The paper's Royal reporter Clive Goodman and private investigator Glen Mulcaire both pleaded guilty to hacking into the mobile phone messages of leading figures in public life. This was the culmination of a thorough police investigation where the evidence was so compelling the defendants were left with no real alternative but to plead guilty. This should have been the end of the matter but recent revelations by the Guardian have reignited the whole affair casting doubt on police actions.
There are concerns that the police were not thorough enough in their initial investigations of these claims, as they allegedly chose not to inform everyone who had their mobile phones hacked or pursue other journalists suspected of similar illegal acts.
At the time I was in overall command of Specialist Operations, the part of the Yard that investigated the complaints. My heart sank when I was told the accusations came from the Palace. This was not the time for a half-hearted investigation - we put our best detectives on the case and left no stone unturned as officials breathed down our neck. The Guardian has said it understands that the police file shows between 2,000 and 3,000 individuals had their mobile phones hacked into, far more than was ever officially admitted during the investigation and prosecution of Mr Mulcaire and Mr Goodman.
Yet, my recollection is different. As I recall the list of those targeted, which was put together from records kept by Mr Mulcaire, ran to several hundred names. Of these, there was a small number - perhaps a handful - where there was evidence they had actually been tampered with.
Had there been evidence of tampering in the other cases, that would have been investigated, as would the slightest hint that others were involved.
Yet, as is so often the case, in the storm of allegation and denial the facts get lost. Well-known figures such as John Prescott are said to have been victims of the hacking without any clear evidence that their phones were in fact hacked into. The promise by the authorities to clarify any ambiguity surrounding the original inquiry should be reasonably straightforward, providing the police are allowed to focus on the criminal matters and are not distracted by the plethora of parliamentary and watchdog probes. There is a danger the two could get entwined.
The obvious way of getting to the bottom of whether more could have been done by the police is to conduct a review as suggested by the CPS. This route will bring closure by either endorsing the original investigation or demanding further work be completed.
In retrospect, the speed with which the Met came out and said it would not be reopening its files might have been a mistake. Ultimately, it will be the CPS who decide whether there is a need for a further inquiry or not.
The present clamour for more information and clarity is forcing many other bodies to become involved. On Friday, in the space of a couple of hours, several parliamentary committees and other press watchdogs announced their own inquiry. Undoubtedly, all these interested parties will want to examine the same witnesses and test the same evidence. This could be a recipe for disaster.
The police and CPS objective is to ascertain whether any criminal activity has been left unchecked. That is significantly different to the purposes of the other inquiries. They must not be confused. The police and CPS must be left to conduct their own review and not be prematurely pulled into servicing the other interested parties, otherwise the waters could become muddier.
A VERSION OF THIS ARTICLE APPEARED IN THE TIMES YESTERDAY.
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